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>>From Rivalries to Dialogue
By Ana Palacio and Vasil Hudak
Moscow Times
March 24 2005
President Vladimir Putin's meeting in Paris with EU leaders took
place as relations between the Russian Federation and its key Western
partners -- the United States, the European Union and EU member
states -- are at a new low. An increasing number of Western voices
are calling for much tougher policies toward Russia, including
possible exclusion from the Group of Eight. They point to the ongoing
centralization of political, economic and social life. This includes
the new appointment of regional governors and growing state pressure
on independent media and civil society institutions, as well as the
treatment of Yukos and recent changes in allocating licenses for
natural resources exploration.
For their part, Russia's leaders feel betrayed and misunderstood by
the West. They stress that Putin's main concern is to preserve
Russia's territorial integrity at all costs. Moscow presents this as
the main underlying reason for consolidating influence over Russia's
regions and for regaining control over the nation's critical natural
resources. Only a strong and stable Russia, they argue, can be a
reliable and predictable partner for the West in addressing such
global challenges as international terrorism and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, or in dealing with China.
These conflicting views are most obvious in the former Soviet Union.
Called the "European neighborhood" by Brussels and "near abroad" by
Moscow, this region is undergoing a profound change initiated by the
Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, respectively.
Pro-democracy changes in these countries are viewed in Moscow as part
of a Western plot to isolate Russia and to diminish its importance in
global affairs. Because of its symbolic value and ethnic ties, the
loss of influence in Ukraine is a particularly sensitive issue for
President Putin. The question "who is next?" can be felt in Moscow's
corridors of power. At the same time, anti-Russian attitudes are
growing, from Moldova, where anti-Russian rhetoric has helped
Moldovan Communists stay in power, to Armenia, where traditionally
pro-Russian political leaders are switching to a pro-Western
position. Moscow is reluctantly realizing that its influence in the
former Soviet Union is decreasing as a new generation gradually
replaces old communist apparatchiks, and this new political class
dares to look for new approaches. However, Russia's influence,
potentially both positive and negative, should not be underestimated.
It is a key economic partner for these countries and holds enough
cards through open or indirect military influence in frozen conflict
zones to destabilize them.
The present crisis between Russia and the West should be turned into
an opportunity to cooperate in their shared neighborhood. First and
foremost, the West should acknowledge Russia's potential to be the
main positive contributor in the region. Russian leaders should
demonstrate their country's ability to constructively deal with such
critical issues as frozen conflicts and energy security. Meanwhile,
such strategic decisions as the future development of energy
transport and communication infrastructure should be handled by
creating an integrated European transport and communication network
and combating the perception that this is a tool to diminish Russian
influence. Russia should transform its approach to the countries in
the near abroad from one of domination to one of cooperation among
equals, respecting the political choice of each nation's citizens.
Stable, prosperous and secure neighbors are in Russia's national
interests.
A serious effort should be undertaken to explore ways of coordinating
the increasing economic and political integration of the countries in
the EU neighborhood, and their traditional ties to Russia and the
other former Soviet republics. Countries such as Ukraine or Georgia
should not feel they are being pushed to choose between one or the
other.
It is important to move from the current zero-sum approach to a new
dialogue and cooperation based on accepting the choice of the
countries within the shared neighborhood. Leaders should work
together to create a European space of security and prosperity that
would include Russia, the EU and the countries of the European
neighborhood and that would enjoy the economic and political support
of the United States. Such a constructive long-term agenda would
bring security and prosperity to the region, while serving as an
important turning point in now sour relations.
Ana Palacio, a former foreign affairs minister of Spain, and Vasil
Hudak, vice president of the EastWest Institute and director of the
EWI Brussels Center, contributed this comment to The Moscow Times.
By Ana Palacio and Vasil Hudak
Moscow Times
March 24 2005
President Vladimir Putin's meeting in Paris with EU leaders took
place as relations between the Russian Federation and its key Western
partners -- the United States, the European Union and EU member
states -- are at a new low. An increasing number of Western voices
are calling for much tougher policies toward Russia, including
possible exclusion from the Group of Eight. They point to the ongoing
centralization of political, economic and social life. This includes
the new appointment of regional governors and growing state pressure
on independent media and civil society institutions, as well as the
treatment of Yukos and recent changes in allocating licenses for
natural resources exploration.
For their part, Russia's leaders feel betrayed and misunderstood by
the West. They stress that Putin's main concern is to preserve
Russia's territorial integrity at all costs. Moscow presents this as
the main underlying reason for consolidating influence over Russia's
regions and for regaining control over the nation's critical natural
resources. Only a strong and stable Russia, they argue, can be a
reliable and predictable partner for the West in addressing such
global challenges as international terrorism and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, or in dealing with China.
These conflicting views are most obvious in the former Soviet Union.
Called the "European neighborhood" by Brussels and "near abroad" by
Moscow, this region is undergoing a profound change initiated by the
Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, respectively.
Pro-democracy changes in these countries are viewed in Moscow as part
of a Western plot to isolate Russia and to diminish its importance in
global affairs. Because of its symbolic value and ethnic ties, the
loss of influence in Ukraine is a particularly sensitive issue for
President Putin. The question "who is next?" can be felt in Moscow's
corridors of power. At the same time, anti-Russian attitudes are
growing, from Moldova, where anti-Russian rhetoric has helped
Moldovan Communists stay in power, to Armenia, where traditionally
pro-Russian political leaders are switching to a pro-Western
position. Moscow is reluctantly realizing that its influence in the
former Soviet Union is decreasing as a new generation gradually
replaces old communist apparatchiks, and this new political class
dares to look for new approaches. However, Russia's influence,
potentially both positive and negative, should not be underestimated.
It is a key economic partner for these countries and holds enough
cards through open or indirect military influence in frozen conflict
zones to destabilize them.
The present crisis between Russia and the West should be turned into
an opportunity to cooperate in their shared neighborhood. First and
foremost, the West should acknowledge Russia's potential to be the
main positive contributor in the region. Russian leaders should
demonstrate their country's ability to constructively deal with such
critical issues as frozen conflicts and energy security. Meanwhile,
such strategic decisions as the future development of energy
transport and communication infrastructure should be handled by
creating an integrated European transport and communication network
and combating the perception that this is a tool to diminish Russian
influence. Russia should transform its approach to the countries in
the near abroad from one of domination to one of cooperation among
equals, respecting the political choice of each nation's citizens.
Stable, prosperous and secure neighbors are in Russia's national
interests.
A serious effort should be undertaken to explore ways of coordinating
the increasing economic and political integration of the countries in
the EU neighborhood, and their traditional ties to Russia and the
other former Soviet republics. Countries such as Ukraine or Georgia
should not feel they are being pushed to choose between one or the
other.
It is important to move from the current zero-sum approach to a new
dialogue and cooperation based on accepting the choice of the
countries within the shared neighborhood. Leaders should work
together to create a European space of security and prosperity that
would include Russia, the EU and the countries of the European
neighborhood and that would enjoy the economic and political support
of the United States. Such a constructive long-term agenda would
bring security and prosperity to the region, while serving as an
important turning point in now sour relations.
Ana Palacio, a former foreign affairs minister of Spain, and Vasil
Hudak, vice president of the EastWest Institute and director of the
EWI Brussels Center, contributed this comment to The Moscow Times.