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Today's Zaman, Turkey
Jan 24 2009
How Ergenekon evolved: the near past of a clandestine organization
Initial details about the Ergenekon terrorist organization were
published by Can Dündar, a columnist from the Milliyet daily,
and journalist Celal KazdaÄ?lı in the book `Ergenekon,'
published in 1997. Although Dündar denies the existence of the
Ergenekon organization, KazdaÄ?lı argues that the history
of this organization can be traced back to the early '90s.
Speaking to Today's Zaman, KazdaÄ?lı commented on the
emergence of Ergenekon, saying: `Ergenekon, which is not defined as a
state within the state or the `deep state,' is an entity set up by the
CIA in all NATO-member countries in the aftermath of the Cold
War. This was an American invention to fight against communism. The
organization, which did not rely on domestic legislation, was referred
to as Gladio in many NATO countries, but while measures were taken
against this sort of organization in these countries, it remained
influential in Turkey.
The Susurluk accident revealed the activities of this
organization. Ä°stanbul's Ziverbey Castle is where those who
tried organizing the March 9, 1971 coup and the intellectuals
supporting them were subjected to torture following a military memo
released on March 12, 1971. Gen. Memduh Ã`nlütürk was
the commander of the Ziverbey Castle. Those tortured there included
İlhan Selçuk from the Cumhuriyet
daily. Ã`nlütürk was the first military officer to
make mention of Ergenekon and provided brief details about its
organization.'
KazdaÄ?lı argues that the Susurluk accident was an
excellent opportunity to deal with the Ergenekon investigation but
that Turkey did not effectively capitalize on it. Noting that those
who survived the initial measures against the organization took it to
another dimension, KazdaÄ?lı also notes that it was no
coincidence that the perpetrators of many murders committed after 1996
were all apprehended because of the `elimination of some parts of the
organization' during this period.
The Susurluk scandal, resulting from a car crash in 1996 near the
small town of Susurluk, in which a gang boss was killed, revealed ties
between the mafia and the police.
`The first serious assassination attempt made in Turkey after Nov. 3,
1996 targeted Human Rights Association [Ä°HD] President
Akın Birdal.
Akın Birdal
The attackers, Bahri Eken and Kerem Deretarla, were detained shortly
after the attack. The perpetrators of most of the criminal acts,
including assault, murder and arson, were all apprehended. Suspects in
an attack on the Council of State, the Hrant Dink assassination, the
Father Santoro murder and the Malatya massacre were arrested shortly
after the incidents took place. However, such acts and offenses used
to remain unresolved before 1996. Retired Gen. Veli
Küçük was the first to arrive at the scene so as
to claim the body of Abdullah �atlı, who died in the car
accident in Susurluk on Nov. 3, 1996.' KazdaÄ?lı said.
KazdaÄ?lı doubts that Ergenekon might have deliberately
been unveiled so that its leader could set up a different
organizational structure. KazdaÄ?lı attributes this to
the Nationalist Movement Party's (MHP) eagerness to distance itself
from this organization, adding that leftist-nationalist circles are
feeling close to the new entity. Noting that leftist parties expended
much effort revealing the details of the Susurluk scandal because
�atlı was known for his affiliation with the MHP,
KazdaÄ?lı also said: `Leftist parties held that this
illegal entity involved the nationalists alone. They are now opposed
to the ongoing investigation because this illegal entity took a
different shape and form after being named Ergenekon.'
Having signed a number of decisions presented on Feb. 28, 1997 by the
MGK, former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan resigned, handing over
the prime ministry to Tansu Ã?iller.
Traces of Feb. 28
Turkey has started questioning the Feb. 28, 1997 postmodern coup now
that the Ergenekon investigation is under way because it has become
obvious that this organization played a determinative role in social
upheavals prior to the Feb. 28 process, which started with allegations
implying that the Welfare Party (RP)-True Path Party (DYP) coalition
government was not competent in dealing with religious fundamentalism.
Official visits by then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan to Libya and
Nigeria raised tension in relations between the government and the
General Staff. Allegations were made indicating that military officers
discharged from the army were employed in municipalities run by RP
mayors. A fast-breaking dinner held with the participation of
religious leaders and sheiks at the official residence of the prime
minister, plans to build a mosque in Ä°stanbul's Taksim Square
and the re-conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque heralded a new
era of fear.
A polemic between Ä°stanbul's Mayor of Sultanbeyli Nabi
Koçak and Gen. DoÄ?u SilahçıoÄ?lu,
who asked for the erection of a statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
in the town, increased the tension. After retiring from the military,
SilahçıoÄ?lu began working for the Cumhuriyet
daily as a columnist. In his last column before the initiation of the
Ergenekon investigation, SilahçıoÄ?lu argued that
it was no longer possible to deal with the Justice and Development
Party (AK Party) while relying on democratic
methods. SilahçıoÄ?lu has not published any
article in the paper since. High-ranking military officers convened in
Gölcük on Jan. 22, 1997 to discuss whether religious
fundamentalism had become influential in the country. Labor and
business unions, professional organizations and trade associations
began speaking out against the government. Women's organizations held
rallies to protest Shariah and promote secularism. The General Staff
started briefing members of the judiciary, university rectors and
journalists on religious fundamentalism at its headquarters. The
National Security Council (MGK) made a number of decisions in its
meeting on Feb. 28, 1997, and presented them to Prime Minister Erbakan
for approval. Erbakan was forced to sign the decisions.
Erbakan subsequently resigned, handing over the prime ministry to his
coalition partner, Tansu Ã?iller. He presented the signatures of
270 deputies stating that they would vote for the suggested Cabinet to
President Süleyman Demirel, who was expected to ask
Ã?iller to form the Cabinet; however, surprisingly, he asked
Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) leader Mesut Yılmaz to do
so. The government formed by Yılmaz was unable to get a vote of
confidence in Parliament. At this point, Demirel intervened in the
process and asked his confidants in the DYP to resign and join the
Party for a Democratic Turkey (DTP), founded by Hüsamettin
Cindoruk, thereby forming an alternative coalition government.
Why is Cindoruk serving as an advocate of Ergenekon?
The reason that former Parliament Speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
who was removed from the political stage because of his role in the
Feb. 28 process, now serves as an advocate of Ergenekon may be found
in the works of the parliamentary commission set up to investigate
unresolved murders. Bingöl deputy Hüsamettin Korkutata,
who served on the commission at the time, comments on Cindoruk's
mission during this period: `The military commanders obstructed our
work. We failed to get depositions from the military officers because
they asked Parliament Speaker Cindoruk to block our work. We had
noticed the traces of Ergenekon in our work back then. Some groups
were committing offenses and the state was hiding their actions. All
were aware that these groups were working in cooperation with PKK
informants and that Veli Küçük held a crucial
position in the organization. It has become evident that their only
concern was money and material gain, rather than national
sentiments. The commission members had to deal with obstructions by
Chief of General Staff Gen. DoÄ?an GüreÅ? and other
high-ranking military commanders. We wanted to hear from some military
officers serving in the Special Warfare Unit in an attempt to get some
information about the murder of SavaÅ? Buldan. Cindoruk told us
not to do this because the military was opposed to it.'
The Western Study Group (BÃ?G) was another important entity that
came out of the Feb. 28 process. The group was formed within the naval
forces and assigned to collect information on fundamentalist
tendencies and actors within the state. The military has always denied
the existence of such an organization; however, a legal process was
initiated after Cpl. Kadir Sarmusak leaked information to the police
department. Sarmusak was acquitted by the military court, but the
military judges serving on the panel that ruled for Sarmusak's
acquittal were all discharged from the military.
Resolved murders still inspire unanswered questions
There haven't been any unresolved murders in Turkey since the
assassination of scientist Necip HablemitoÄ?lu. This implies
that the perpetrators of murders since 2003 have either been
identified or caught; however, there are also murders that have
remained a mystery despite their perpetrators having been
identified. These include the murders of Ã-zdemir Sabancı,
Hrant Dink and Father Andrea Santoro and the attack on the Zirve
publishing house in Malatya.
Sabancı's murderer was identified at the last moment. He was
murdered by Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C)
militants Mustafa Duyar, Ismail Akkol and Fehriye Erdal on Jan. 9,
1996.
Duyar turned himself in at the Turkish Embassy in Damascus on Jan. 6,
1997. Duyar, who confessed the details of how they committed the
murder, said Erdal, an employee at the Sabancı Business Center,
confused the rooms. Duyar also said: `The target was Sakıp
Sabancı. Because of the mix-up, Ã-zdemir Sabancı and
Haluk Görgün were murdered.' The murder was seemingly
resolved; however, subsequent developments have inspired new questions
that remain unanswered.
Duyar was murdered in prison by the men of Vedat and Nuri Ergin, also
known as the Karagümrük gang, on Feb. 15, 1999. Erdal
was seized in Belgium on Oct. 27, 1999; however, she was never
extradited to Turkey. She is still at large, wanted by the Belgian
authorities.
In a book titled `Code,' Zihni �akır argued that
Sabancı's murder was organized by Abdullah �atlı,
Hüseyin KocadaÄ? and military officer Hüseyin
Pepekal. The book also argues that Erdal and Duyar were both used by
intelligence units.
Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was gunned down on Jan. 19,
2007, in front of the offices of the bilingual Armenian weekly Agos,
where he was editor-in-chief.
Mystery surrounding Hrant Dink murder
The perpetrators of the murder of Dink, a Turkish journalist of
Armenian descent, were apprehended shortly after the incident on
Jan. 19, 2007. It quickly became evident that the murder was committed
by Ogun Samast from Trabzon, but police informant Erhan Tuncel had
warned security forces of the planned murder months before.
This murder, which was committed in Ä°stanbul, also pointed to
something happening in the city of Trabzon, where Father Santoro had
been assassinated. First, military officers serving in the provincial
military unit were removed from office. Regional Gendarmerie Commander
Col. Ali Ã-z was reassigned to Bilecik. An investigation has only
recently been launched into Ramazan Akyürek, chairman of the
Trabzon Police Department's Intelligence Unit.
Ã-z spoke before the parliamentary Commission on Human Rights,
where he expressed concern for his life, adding that he would not
testify.
Prosecutors investigating the Dink murder demanded that the General
Staff hand over the ongoing investigation into Ã-z; however, the
General Staff did not comply with the request. Ã-z was later
assigned to General Staff headquarters. CoÅ?kun
Ä°Ä?ci, uncle by marriage of Yasin Hayal, who incited
Samast to commit the murder, reportedly notified gendarmerie
Sgt. VeyÅ?el Å?ahin of the murder beforehand; however,
Col. Ã-z recommended that Ä°Ä?ci not discuss such
topics. As the arguments suggesting that intelligence about the murder
was deliberately overlooked have become stronger, inquiries have been
made to reveal Ã-z's past.
Col. Ã-z was allegedly involved in the Ulucanlar Prison operation,
which occurred when he was serving under Ankara Provincial Gendarmerie
Commander Col. Kemal Bayalan. Ten inmates were killed during the
operation in September 1999. Ã-z was the first to arrive at the
crime scene where Professor Ahmet Taner KıÅ?lalı
was murdered. These may be coincidences; however, Turkey's recent past
suggests that this sort of coincidence is unlikely.
The report prepared by the Prime Ministry Inspection Board with regard
to the Dink murder stressed that there were many vague points
requiring clarification and that public authorities had made grave
mistakes. For this reason, permission for a thorough investigation
into Akyürek has been granted.
The brutal incident in which Necati Aydın, Tilmann Geske and
UÄ?ur Yüksel were brutally murdered in Malatya was
seemingly resolved. Even though the perpetrators have been
apprehended, further investigation has revealed that there are still
ambiguities in the case and that there may have been other actors
involved.
SaÄ?lar: There are 17,547 unresolved murders
Fikri SaÄ?lar, a member of the parliamentary commission set up
to investigate the Susurluk incident, which revealed connections and
cooperation between the police, politicians and criminal gangs, argues
that there are 17,547 unresolved murders in Turkey. Noting that
members of parliamentary commissions investigating these murders have
had to deal with many obstacles, SaÄ?lar also said, `Three of my
friends who were trying to shed light on these murders were killed.'
Fikri SaÄ?lar
Stressing that the work of these commissions was obstructed by an
`invisible hand,' SaÄ?lar says illegal entities within the state
were responsible for most of these murders. Emphasizing that the
Gladio-like organization founded in Turkey during the Cold War era was
the major actor in a number of unresolved murders and social
disturbances, SaÄ?lar argues that while most NATO countries got
rid of their Gladios, Turkey failed to follow the same path.
Noting that these commissions have prepared excellent reports
resolving the plots staged by shadowy actors in Turkey but that the
political administrations have failed to implement their
recommendations, SaÄ?lar says the Ergenekon investigation is
Turkey's last chance to purge the state of illegal entities. `If the
report prepared by the Susurluk commission and those written up by the
parliamentary commission for unresolved murders had been considered by
the prosecutors and the political administrations, maybe we would not
be talking about Ergenekon today. For this reason, the prosecutors in
the Ergenekon case should carefully review these two reports. Both
reports have clues and information about the deep state. If these
clues are traced, the illegal entities within the state may be
effectively eliminated. If we do not use this chance, we will come
back to the same point 10 years later,' he explains.
24 January 2009, Saturday
ERCAN YAVUZ ANKARA
http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/detaylar.do?lo ad=detay&link=164937&bolum=101
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Jan 24 2009
How Ergenekon evolved: the near past of a clandestine organization
Initial details about the Ergenekon terrorist organization were
published by Can Dündar, a columnist from the Milliyet daily,
and journalist Celal KazdaÄ?lı in the book `Ergenekon,'
published in 1997. Although Dündar denies the existence of the
Ergenekon organization, KazdaÄ?lı argues that the history
of this organization can be traced back to the early '90s.
Speaking to Today's Zaman, KazdaÄ?lı commented on the
emergence of Ergenekon, saying: `Ergenekon, which is not defined as a
state within the state or the `deep state,' is an entity set up by the
CIA in all NATO-member countries in the aftermath of the Cold
War. This was an American invention to fight against communism. The
organization, which did not rely on domestic legislation, was referred
to as Gladio in many NATO countries, but while measures were taken
against this sort of organization in these countries, it remained
influential in Turkey.
The Susurluk accident revealed the activities of this
organization. Ä°stanbul's Ziverbey Castle is where those who
tried organizing the March 9, 1971 coup and the intellectuals
supporting them were subjected to torture following a military memo
released on March 12, 1971. Gen. Memduh Ã`nlütürk was
the commander of the Ziverbey Castle. Those tortured there included
İlhan Selçuk from the Cumhuriyet
daily. Ã`nlütürk was the first military officer to
make mention of Ergenekon and provided brief details about its
organization.'
KazdaÄ?lı argues that the Susurluk accident was an
excellent opportunity to deal with the Ergenekon investigation but
that Turkey did not effectively capitalize on it. Noting that those
who survived the initial measures against the organization took it to
another dimension, KazdaÄ?lı also notes that it was no
coincidence that the perpetrators of many murders committed after 1996
were all apprehended because of the `elimination of some parts of the
organization' during this period.
The Susurluk scandal, resulting from a car crash in 1996 near the
small town of Susurluk, in which a gang boss was killed, revealed ties
between the mafia and the police.
`The first serious assassination attempt made in Turkey after Nov. 3,
1996 targeted Human Rights Association [Ä°HD] President
Akın Birdal.
Akın Birdal
The attackers, Bahri Eken and Kerem Deretarla, were detained shortly
after the attack. The perpetrators of most of the criminal acts,
including assault, murder and arson, were all apprehended. Suspects in
an attack on the Council of State, the Hrant Dink assassination, the
Father Santoro murder and the Malatya massacre were arrested shortly
after the incidents took place. However, such acts and offenses used
to remain unresolved before 1996. Retired Gen. Veli
Küçük was the first to arrive at the scene so as
to claim the body of Abdullah �atlı, who died in the car
accident in Susurluk on Nov. 3, 1996.' KazdaÄ?lı said.
KazdaÄ?lı doubts that Ergenekon might have deliberately
been unveiled so that its leader could set up a different
organizational structure. KazdaÄ?lı attributes this to
the Nationalist Movement Party's (MHP) eagerness to distance itself
from this organization, adding that leftist-nationalist circles are
feeling close to the new entity. Noting that leftist parties expended
much effort revealing the details of the Susurluk scandal because
�atlı was known for his affiliation with the MHP,
KazdaÄ?lı also said: `Leftist parties held that this
illegal entity involved the nationalists alone. They are now opposed
to the ongoing investigation because this illegal entity took a
different shape and form after being named Ergenekon.'
Having signed a number of decisions presented on Feb. 28, 1997 by the
MGK, former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan resigned, handing over
the prime ministry to Tansu Ã?iller.
Traces of Feb. 28
Turkey has started questioning the Feb. 28, 1997 postmodern coup now
that the Ergenekon investigation is under way because it has become
obvious that this organization played a determinative role in social
upheavals prior to the Feb. 28 process, which started with allegations
implying that the Welfare Party (RP)-True Path Party (DYP) coalition
government was not competent in dealing with religious fundamentalism.
Official visits by then Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan to Libya and
Nigeria raised tension in relations between the government and the
General Staff. Allegations were made indicating that military officers
discharged from the army were employed in municipalities run by RP
mayors. A fast-breaking dinner held with the participation of
religious leaders and sheiks at the official residence of the prime
minister, plans to build a mosque in Ä°stanbul's Taksim Square
and the re-conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque heralded a new
era of fear.
A polemic between Ä°stanbul's Mayor of Sultanbeyli Nabi
Koçak and Gen. DoÄ?u SilahçıoÄ?lu,
who asked for the erection of a statue of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
in the town, increased the tension. After retiring from the military,
SilahçıoÄ?lu began working for the Cumhuriyet
daily as a columnist. In his last column before the initiation of the
Ergenekon investigation, SilahçıoÄ?lu argued that
it was no longer possible to deal with the Justice and Development
Party (AK Party) while relying on democratic
methods. SilahçıoÄ?lu has not published any
article in the paper since. High-ranking military officers convened in
Gölcük on Jan. 22, 1997 to discuss whether religious
fundamentalism had become influential in the country. Labor and
business unions, professional organizations and trade associations
began speaking out against the government. Women's organizations held
rallies to protest Shariah and promote secularism. The General Staff
started briefing members of the judiciary, university rectors and
journalists on religious fundamentalism at its headquarters. The
National Security Council (MGK) made a number of decisions in its
meeting on Feb. 28, 1997, and presented them to Prime Minister Erbakan
for approval. Erbakan was forced to sign the decisions.
Erbakan subsequently resigned, handing over the prime ministry to his
coalition partner, Tansu Ã?iller. He presented the signatures of
270 deputies stating that they would vote for the suggested Cabinet to
President Süleyman Demirel, who was expected to ask
Ã?iller to form the Cabinet; however, surprisingly, he asked
Motherland Party (ANAP, now ANAVATAN) leader Mesut Yılmaz to do
so. The government formed by Yılmaz was unable to get a vote of
confidence in Parliament. At this point, Demirel intervened in the
process and asked his confidants in the DYP to resign and join the
Party for a Democratic Turkey (DTP), founded by Hüsamettin
Cindoruk, thereby forming an alternative coalition government.
Why is Cindoruk serving as an advocate of Ergenekon?
The reason that former Parliament Speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk,
who was removed from the political stage because of his role in the
Feb. 28 process, now serves as an advocate of Ergenekon may be found
in the works of the parliamentary commission set up to investigate
unresolved murders. Bingöl deputy Hüsamettin Korkutata,
who served on the commission at the time, comments on Cindoruk's
mission during this period: `The military commanders obstructed our
work. We failed to get depositions from the military officers because
they asked Parliament Speaker Cindoruk to block our work. We had
noticed the traces of Ergenekon in our work back then. Some groups
were committing offenses and the state was hiding their actions. All
were aware that these groups were working in cooperation with PKK
informants and that Veli Küçük held a crucial
position in the organization. It has become evident that their only
concern was money and material gain, rather than national
sentiments. The commission members had to deal with obstructions by
Chief of General Staff Gen. DoÄ?an GüreÅ? and other
high-ranking military commanders. We wanted to hear from some military
officers serving in the Special Warfare Unit in an attempt to get some
information about the murder of SavaÅ? Buldan. Cindoruk told us
not to do this because the military was opposed to it.'
The Western Study Group (BÃ?G) was another important entity that
came out of the Feb. 28 process. The group was formed within the naval
forces and assigned to collect information on fundamentalist
tendencies and actors within the state. The military has always denied
the existence of such an organization; however, a legal process was
initiated after Cpl. Kadir Sarmusak leaked information to the police
department. Sarmusak was acquitted by the military court, but the
military judges serving on the panel that ruled for Sarmusak's
acquittal were all discharged from the military.
Resolved murders still inspire unanswered questions
There haven't been any unresolved murders in Turkey since the
assassination of scientist Necip HablemitoÄ?lu. This implies
that the perpetrators of murders since 2003 have either been
identified or caught; however, there are also murders that have
remained a mystery despite their perpetrators having been
identified. These include the murders of Ã-zdemir Sabancı,
Hrant Dink and Father Andrea Santoro and the attack on the Zirve
publishing house in Malatya.
Sabancı's murderer was identified at the last moment. He was
murdered by Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C)
militants Mustafa Duyar, Ismail Akkol and Fehriye Erdal on Jan. 9,
1996.
Duyar turned himself in at the Turkish Embassy in Damascus on Jan. 6,
1997. Duyar, who confessed the details of how they committed the
murder, said Erdal, an employee at the Sabancı Business Center,
confused the rooms. Duyar also said: `The target was Sakıp
Sabancı. Because of the mix-up, Ã-zdemir Sabancı and
Haluk Görgün were murdered.' The murder was seemingly
resolved; however, subsequent developments have inspired new questions
that remain unanswered.
Duyar was murdered in prison by the men of Vedat and Nuri Ergin, also
known as the Karagümrük gang, on Feb. 15, 1999. Erdal
was seized in Belgium on Oct. 27, 1999; however, she was never
extradited to Turkey. She is still at large, wanted by the Belgian
authorities.
In a book titled `Code,' Zihni �akır argued that
Sabancı's murder was organized by Abdullah �atlı,
Hüseyin KocadaÄ? and military officer Hüseyin
Pepekal. The book also argues that Erdal and Duyar were both used by
intelligence units.
Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was gunned down on Jan. 19,
2007, in front of the offices of the bilingual Armenian weekly Agos,
where he was editor-in-chief.
Mystery surrounding Hrant Dink murder
The perpetrators of the murder of Dink, a Turkish journalist of
Armenian descent, were apprehended shortly after the incident on
Jan. 19, 2007. It quickly became evident that the murder was committed
by Ogun Samast from Trabzon, but police informant Erhan Tuncel had
warned security forces of the planned murder months before.
This murder, which was committed in Ä°stanbul, also pointed to
something happening in the city of Trabzon, where Father Santoro had
been assassinated. First, military officers serving in the provincial
military unit were removed from office. Regional Gendarmerie Commander
Col. Ali Ã-z was reassigned to Bilecik. An investigation has only
recently been launched into Ramazan Akyürek, chairman of the
Trabzon Police Department's Intelligence Unit.
Ã-z spoke before the parliamentary Commission on Human Rights,
where he expressed concern for his life, adding that he would not
testify.
Prosecutors investigating the Dink murder demanded that the General
Staff hand over the ongoing investigation into Ã-z; however, the
General Staff did not comply with the request. Ã-z was later
assigned to General Staff headquarters. CoÅ?kun
Ä°Ä?ci, uncle by marriage of Yasin Hayal, who incited
Samast to commit the murder, reportedly notified gendarmerie
Sgt. VeyÅ?el Å?ahin of the murder beforehand; however,
Col. Ã-z recommended that Ä°Ä?ci not discuss such
topics. As the arguments suggesting that intelligence about the murder
was deliberately overlooked have become stronger, inquiries have been
made to reveal Ã-z's past.
Col. Ã-z was allegedly involved in the Ulucanlar Prison operation,
which occurred when he was serving under Ankara Provincial Gendarmerie
Commander Col. Kemal Bayalan. Ten inmates were killed during the
operation in September 1999. Ã-z was the first to arrive at the
crime scene where Professor Ahmet Taner KıÅ?lalı
was murdered. These may be coincidences; however, Turkey's recent past
suggests that this sort of coincidence is unlikely.
The report prepared by the Prime Ministry Inspection Board with regard
to the Dink murder stressed that there were many vague points
requiring clarification and that public authorities had made grave
mistakes. For this reason, permission for a thorough investigation
into Akyürek has been granted.
The brutal incident in which Necati Aydın, Tilmann Geske and
UÄ?ur Yüksel were brutally murdered in Malatya was
seemingly resolved. Even though the perpetrators have been
apprehended, further investigation has revealed that there are still
ambiguities in the case and that there may have been other actors
involved.
SaÄ?lar: There are 17,547 unresolved murders
Fikri SaÄ?lar, a member of the parliamentary commission set up
to investigate the Susurluk incident, which revealed connections and
cooperation between the police, politicians and criminal gangs, argues
that there are 17,547 unresolved murders in Turkey. Noting that
members of parliamentary commissions investigating these murders have
had to deal with many obstacles, SaÄ?lar also said, `Three of my
friends who were trying to shed light on these murders were killed.'
Fikri SaÄ?lar
Stressing that the work of these commissions was obstructed by an
`invisible hand,' SaÄ?lar says illegal entities within the state
were responsible for most of these murders. Emphasizing that the
Gladio-like organization founded in Turkey during the Cold War era was
the major actor in a number of unresolved murders and social
disturbances, SaÄ?lar argues that while most NATO countries got
rid of their Gladios, Turkey failed to follow the same path.
Noting that these commissions have prepared excellent reports
resolving the plots staged by shadowy actors in Turkey but that the
political administrations have failed to implement their
recommendations, SaÄ?lar says the Ergenekon investigation is
Turkey's last chance to purge the state of illegal entities. `If the
report prepared by the Susurluk commission and those written up by the
parliamentary commission for unresolved murders had been considered by
the prosecutors and the political administrations, maybe we would not
be talking about Ergenekon today. For this reason, the prosecutors in
the Ergenekon case should carefully review these two reports. Both
reports have clues and information about the deep state. If these
clues are traced, the illegal entities within the state may be
effectively eliminated. If we do not use this chance, we will come
back to the same point 10 years later,' he explains.
24 January 2009, Saturday
ERCAN YAVUZ ANKARA
http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/detaylar.do?lo ad=detay&link=164937&bolum=101
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress