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Might A Rebellion Turn Into A Revolution?

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  • Might A Rebellion Turn Into A Revolution?

    MIGHT A REBELLION TURN INTO A REVOLUTION?

    Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
    Aug 15 2013

    15 August 2013 - 2:43pm
    David Stepanyan, Yerevan, exclusively to VK

    Taking place in Yerevan on the initiative of the civil society since
    July 20, the action against the increase in transportation tariffs by
    50% is gradually laying the foundation for much more serious actions.

    Despite the concession of the city authorities, which abolished their
    own decision and returned the 100-dram tariff for transport, protesters
    were not only outraged but also began to demand the resignation of
    Mayor Taron Margaryan, and the situation is now aggravated day by day.

    Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian described the rise of the protest
    movement in Yerevan as a sign of a dynamic civil society. However,
    judging by the reaction of the police, not everyone agrees with the
    prime minister. On August 1, members of the youth movement attempted
    to set a tent in front of the City Hall for those who conducted
    picket, but the police did not allow it, and as a result of clashes
    with activists a woman was trampled, and a member of the movement was
    arrested. The number of police officers who cordoned off the city hall
    building was several times higher than the number of protesters. It
    seems that the authorities are worried that the social revolt can be
    transformed into the deeper processes that can lead to a revolution,
    and today the only deterrent of these processes is the repressive
    apparatus of the police, which in recent days, using legal and illegal
    methods, are trying to suppress the movement.

    As for the fact that the revolt could turn into a revolution, not only
    the authorities, but also the opposition camp which still includes
    the parliamentary opposition prefer to keep quiet about this. The
    perseverance of the police fighting against the tents suggests
    that the Republican Party of Armenia and President Serzh Sargsyan's
    administration understand that the installation of a tent can lead
    to tent camp in front of City Hall. The authorities and surrounding
    minions remember quite well what the appearance of the tent city in
    Freedom Square on the eve of the March 1 events caused. In 2008, the
    "cost" was ten victims who have been the cost of confrontation with
    the authorities, and the great question is what victims the emergence
    of a new "campus" near City Hall in 2013 can cause. The authorities
    still have not "digested" the death of ten citizens of Armenia,
    and new victims today are not needed.

    Tents near the walls of City Hall may initiate an uncontrolled
    revolution, which in a few days will sweep the current regime. This
    lack of control disturbs the authorities, since an "agreement" with
    the youth will be much more difficult than with the parliamentary
    opposition. However, it seems that the government still does not
    intend to drop the opposition off. This is evidenced by the recent
    statements of certain political forces of an intent to hold protest
    actions "against the authorities." Also there have been calls on the
    pro-government TV channels and media about the need for "political
    forces and civil society to abandon their ambitions, sit down at
    a round table and make a fateful decision for Armenia." Obviously,
    without seeing the possibility of "agreeing" with the youth, the power
    hopes to do this through law enforcement agencies. These in turn are
    still hoping to "betray" the power, leading the protesting youth,
    who on their shoulders will let them enter the presidential palace,
    opening access to the feeder for which they have been languishing
    for a long time.

    However, the main thing in all this is not the reaction or expectations
    of the authorities or "the opposition". Both have long been discredited
    in the eyes of the public due to their tractability, lies and lust to
    keep their positions and get to the coveted bowl. The main thing is
    that the current youth movement in Armenia may lead to fundamental
    changes in the formal independence of the country in which there is
    no government, political system, its own thoughts and laws.

    And the movement "We pay 100 drams" has created an atmosphere that
    reflects the true people of Armenia. This is Armenia of early 1990s,
    when people, despite the cold and hunger, smiled at each other. In late
    July, the propertied section of society and known entertainers for the
    first time supported the protesters. Car owners have started to openly
    pick up for free the people unwilling to pay 150 drams for public
    transport. The result is obvious - the cohesion and mutual support of
    the protesters gave the first results - the City Hall decision was
    reversed. The wariness of young people to the political parties and
    the reluctance to leave the "battlefield" indicates the understanding
    of the situation, which in turn promises some prospects to the youth
    movement. And all of this together gives the youth movement prospects
    to acquire the power for radical changes in the country, not becoming
    a plaything in the hands of the government or pseudo-opposition.

    Now the main thing for the society is the duration and perpetuityof
    protests. The key to their success is isolation from the processes
    of political forces. The people taking the careless clerk's hand are
    the best guarantee of a relative degree of democracy. And no America
    and no Europe could provide that democracy to Armenia.

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